Because of its strategic location, Papua New Guinea is known as the “Gateway to Asia.” Both China and the United States are interested in acquiring the island state.
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| Papua New Guinea map |
There was no question about China’s huge goals in the area when Chinese President Xi Jinping visited Papua New Guinea five years ago. Papua New Guinea, too, recognized the significance of the visit and not only physically put out the red carpet to greet him.
In May, US President Joe Biden might have expected comparable fanfare – a national holiday was created just for his arrival. But, unlike Xi, Biden canceled on short notice due to the US budget crisis, and the sadness in Papua New Guinea was palpable. “We’ve even declared Biden’s historic visit a national holiday,” tweeted political activist Martyn Namorong.
“And then the United States let us down.” With that, the United States would shoot itself in the foot again and again, he said in another post . Because China does not have to deal with such internal disputes.
Indeed, Beijing’s decision will have arrived at an opportune time. This allows Chinese state media to further push their narrative that the US is in disarray at home and untrustworthy to friends. President Xi Jinping of China may have massaged his hands. It didn’t help matters that US Secretary of State Antony Blinken raced to represent Biden in order to sign a planned security pact between the countries, which Blinken claims will strengthen Papua New Guinea’s military capabilities. Joint military training exercises, for example, are planned.
The reason that the two most powerful countries on the planet are fighting for Papua New Guinea is due to the Pacific island state’s strategic importance: The nation, which is located north of Australia, is regarded as the gateway to Asia and the Pacific states.
Geostrategic significance is undoubtedly “a factor,” according to Meg Keen, head of the Pacific Island program at the Sydney-based think tank Lowy Institute. However, Papua New Guinea and the area are also “important” for other reasons: Keen includes contiguous maritime regions, integrated information and communication technologies, business interests, and diplomatic relationships in his list.
The strategic position drew attention to the country as early as the Second World War. By that time, the Japanese had devised a strategy that envisioned Port Moresby as one of the main ports for their drive into Southeast Asia. “Papua New Guinea is by far the most populous and influential country in the Pacific – at least twice the size of New Zealand,” said Ian Kemish, a former diplomat and Southeast Asia and Pacific expert who currently lectures at Australia’s University of Queensland. It is not only at the crossroads of Asia and the Pacific, but it is also incredibly mineral rich.
Prime Minister James Marape of Papua New Guinea wants to take advantage of these benefits for his country. The agreement with the US will assist his country in upgrading its military and developing a “robust economy,” he added. However, in keeping with the philosophy of many Pacific countries – “friends for all, enemies for none” – Marape welcomes Chinese favors for his country’s future prosperity. The government is now in talks with Beijing to sign a free trade pact. During his state visit in 2018, China’s president raised China-Pacific relations to the level of “comprehensive strategic partnership” – one of the highest categories of bilateral relations in Chinese diplomatic language.
That Papua New Guinea is also participating in China’s “New Silk Road”, which is known in English asBelt and Road Initiative (BRI) completes the overall picture. With the initiative, the People’s Republic is financing infrastructure projects and is cleverly expanding its global power. As a result, poorer countries often fall into the debt trap, which is likely to encourage them to exercise restraint. After all, who criticizes their financier.
Chinese Ambassador to Papua New Guinea Zeng Fanhua reported on new rice-growing techniques in the highlands, upgrades to the power infrastructure, and a new hospital being built with Chinese assistance in an interview with China’s state-run newspaper The Global Times approximately a year ago. There was also mention of bridge, road, and airport developments, with Zeng emphasizing that China is providing “economic and technical assistance without any political conditions” to the Philippines.
The expert Kemish, on the other hand, is doubtful about this list. According to his analysis, the level of Chinese participation in Papua New Guinea is “usually greatly exaggerated.” Because, contrary to popular belief, the People’s Republic of China has “invested very little in the development of Papua New Guinea.”
Among the projects that made it into the media in the past were rather dubious, such as the development of Daru Island, an island in the Torres Strait, the bottleneck between Australia and Papua New Guinea. On the almost 15 square kilometers large island, a Chinese company was suddenly planning a new city with an industrial and commercial zone and a port. Also, a “large-scale multifunctional fisheries industrial park” has been under discussion, although fishing in Torres Strait is strictly regulated.
While China is unlikely to obtain a Solomon Islands-style security agreement with Papua New Guinea, it does have an economic presence on the island nation. According to expert Keen, the fact that Papua New Guinea tends to sympathize with the United States or Australia when it comes to security is also due to history: Australia controlled the British colony of Papua, the south-eastern part of the island, from 1906 and took over the mandate over the former German colonial territory German New Guinea at the end of the First World War.
And although Papua New Guinea gained its independence in 1975, the ties to Australia are still close: In the current financial year alone, more than 600 million Australian dollars have flowed, the equivalent of around 365 million euros in aid to Papua New Guinea. Both Australia and the USA also supported the country in the expansion and improvement of the important naval base at Lombrum on Manus Island. The USA had already set up a base there in 1944, i.e. during the Second World War.
For Papua New Guinea, the foreign policy strategy of “friends for all, enemies for none” has therefore been effective for some time. As a result, it can be anticipated that the country will remain loyal to him and will capitalize on the competitive scenario between the United States and China.
The author Barbara Barkhausen is an Australian journalist.
Source: IPG