Admiration, sadness, suspicion, and fear: few people elicit such mixed emotions as Ukraine's President and Charlemagne Prize winner, prompting a much-needed reconsideration.
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| Volodymyr Zelenskyy meets with Olaf Scholz in Berlin, May 15, 2023 |
Empathy and adoration, anxieties and distrust: Few people have thrown Germans into such a tizzy in the last 15 months as this year's Charlemagne Prize recipient, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky.
When Vladimir Putin declared war on Ukraine towards the end of February 2022, residents in this country frightened and suffered alongside them. They respected their president's bravery and boldness. "I need ammunition, not a ride," Zelenskyy said in response to the US promise to securely transport him out of the country.
He prioritizes his responsibilities to his fellow people before his own life. on is one of the reasons he will receive the Charlemagne Prize on Sunday in Aachen. During the event, Poland's Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki stated that Zelenskyi was an exceptional role model for political leadership in the twenty-first century.
From 5000 steel helmets to main battle tanks
Simultaneously, the federal government decides on the next big weaponry delivery: tanks, anti-aircraft defenses, artillery, and ammunition. What a difference to the 5,000 steel helmets Berlin sent as a "very clear signal" of solidarity at the start of the war, which made it a laughingstock.
The war altered the Germans, forcing a ministerial transition from Christine Lambrecht to Boris Pistorius. Many people were first concerned with the question of which practical acts should come from compassion. The Chancellor's statement and armament deliveries: are we becoming a war party, risking an escalation of warfare in NATO territory or a nuclear war?
People are worried about the sanctions and the withdrawal of Russian gas and oil: will Germany hold out? Is it true that we are losing jobs and wealth? Do we have to put up with chilly apartments and power outages as if we were at war?
Bucha horror and other war crimes
As the battle progressed, so did people's moods. Hope: The Ukrainians halted Putin's advance, successfully defended their city, Kiev, and drove the invading army back.
The Russian army had committed war crimes in Bucha and other freed areas. It became evident that these were not isolated incidents. Russian combat included attacks on people, as it did in Chechnya and Syria previously.
A world shattered for Germans who had long desired a partner in Russia and had labeled all those who warned of Putin's nefarious intents as warmongers. Putin's troops fired on nuclear power reactors in Chernobyl and Zaporizhia, threatening a catastrophe. The Kremlin has threatened to deploy nuclear weapons on several occasions.
Zelenskyy places Ukraine on the European map
Zelenskyy dressed in olive green and his obnoxious ambassador Andriy Melnyk were regular reminders in newspapers, TV stations, and social media. The Germans saw him almost as frequently as their chancellor. He placed Ukraine, which had previously been a no-man's land, on the political map of Europe.
He did it again in Aachen when he switched from English to Ukrainian in his acceptance speech. That, too, is a European language, Zelenskyy added, dressed in black with blue and yellow accents, the colors of the Ukrainian flag. However, when the Charlemagne Prize was granted, this language had never been spoken before.
He requested that the Germans reconsider their historical responsibilities after 15 months of war. The prepared arguments suffered an unexpected setback. Is Germany authorized to send weapons that murder Russians today, given the 1941 invasion on the Soviet Union?
In addition to this concern, a counter-objection was raised: Can Germany refuse to provide weaponry to Ukraine? The horrors of World War II had raged there, as had the extermination camps. Ukraine has lost a significantly greater proportion of its people than Russia. Russia was no longer associated with Soviet casualties.
Germany have survived the winter
The experience of 15 months of war did not erase, but rather reduced, the worries. Germany made it through the winter without a single heating or power outage. The willingness to assist Ukraine remains high.
Many Germans realize instinctively that Zelenskyy and the Ukrainians are also protecting German ideals and interests via their struggle and sacrifices. Of course, this hasn't shielded them from Putin's threats or his preying on German concerns.
The internal German debate rages on: Are we doing enough? Or is it too much? Is weaponry aid justified since it enables Ukraine to regain territory and strengthen its bargaining position? Or does it only increase the number of victims while simultaneously increasing the danger of escalation?
Zelenskyj appeals for unwavering support. "Peace comes only after victory" against Russia for Ukraine. He wishes that "this Ukrainian peace formula" would become "the German peace formula." Chancellor Olaf Scholz has demonstrated leadership by declaring a watershed moment. "German tanks saved the lives of Ukrainian soldiers." To some German ears, this thank you sounds ambiguous.
Of course, the Germans and their administration must assess the benefits and drawbacks of Zelenskyy's backing in Berlin and Aachen. But keep one thing in mind and heart: given Germany's importance in Central and Eastern Europe, no one there is waiting for their advise on what losses Ukraine should take in order to stop the conflict.
The eastern neighbors' historical experience shows that when Germans and Russians make an agreement over their heads, it typically ends badly for those impacted. In Aachen, Selenskyj is courteous enough not to say such openly. The Germans must define their own role: to assist rather than to lecture.
The author Christoph von Marschall is a prominent German journalist and the diplomatic correspondent of Tagesspiegel.
Source: Tagesspiegel