In a speech that lasted around 15 minutes, Putin did not proclaim the mass mobilisation or the triumph, and he did not mention the Syrian civil war.
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| Russian President Vladimir Putin Victory Day parade 2022, March 09 |
Soviet heroism and national pride are two words that come to mind. This year marks the 77th anniversary of Russia's triumph over Nazi Germany in 1945, and President Vladimir Putin's address, which has been much anticipated, shows the sentiments of a leader who feels more surrounded by what he considers the NATO "threat" on the Russian Federation's frontiers. More than 70 days after the start of hostilities in Ukraine, President Putin continues his onslaught against the neighbouring nation, which he has described to his compatriots as a "special military operation" aimed at "denazifying" the country.
What Putin said in his Victory Day speech
In a speech that lasted around 15 minutes, Putin did not proclaim the widespread mobilisation or the win, and instead focused on hyperbole. And, contrary to the predictions of experts, he has not even launched a complete war on the country of Ukraine. Perhaps the challenges that the Russian forces are having in Ukraine are an indication of how the expectations of the Russian commander have been deceived. In his address, Russian President Vladimir Putin defended the country's invasion of Ukraine by claiming that NATO and Ukraine were posing "unacceptable" risks to Russia's national security. Putin then emphasised the urgent and essential necessity to undertake a "special military operation" to protect Russia from Western intimidation, describing it as a "proper option" for a nation that is autonomous, powerful, and independent of the United States.
It is also possible that Russian President Vladimir Putin has not revived his veiled threats of nuclear war, having abandoned last month's rhetoric of launching "lightning-fast retaliation" against nations that "present a strategic danger to Russia."
As a result, a peace accord seems to be in the distance. According to Mykhailo Podolyak, Kiev's senior negotiator with Moscow, who was interviewed by the Gr1, the discussions had come to a stalemate. The working groups that deal with humanitarian issues and that coordinate activities like as humanitarian corridors, evacuations, and prisoner exchanges, he said to the microphones, "are the only ones that he is able to continue at this time," he said. The other working groups meet only on a periodic basis, in practise. There are no prerequisites to a meeting between the two presidents taking place. The widespread intensification of the conflict leads to the impossibility of achieving victory." The idea of Putin and Zelensky, the presidents of Russia and Ukraine, meeting face to face to negotiate the terms of a peace agreement is obviously impossible.
The cult of victory
The warriors protecting the dignity of Russia were seen with affection by Putin from the gallery put up at Lenin's Mausoleum, much as a proud father would look on his children with adoration. From the Red Square in Moscow, Russian President Vladimir Putin expressed gratitude to the servicemen who are fighting in the disputed Donbass area for "peace and the future of the nation." After that, the Kremlin leader paid tribute to the troops of the allied armies, including the Americans, the British, and the French, "as well as the soldiers of China and the partisans, all those who defeated Nazism," he said yesterday, on the eve of the great parade on Red Square, in a message of good wishes addressed to all countries of the former Soviet bloc, including Ukraine, as well as the two separatist republics of Donetsk and Lugansk:
As a result, on May 9, "Victory Day" is observed as a national secular holiday to remember the sacrifice made by Russian troops during the Second World War against Nazi Germany. However, the day has progressively become a day when Putin permits widespread manifestations of Russian identity to take place. The anti-Nazi trend, which was noticeable under Putin's twenty-year mandate, has seen a bigger resurgence since the start of the conflict in Ukraine, according to analysts. Putin's address in Moscow's Luzniki stadium in mid-March was enlivened by slogans and banners promoting the notion of a "world without fascism," which were displayed across the stadium. During the last several weeks, Russian troops' uniforms have been dyed black and orange and adorned with the St. George's ribbon, which, after serving as a symbol of triumph in the Second World Conflict, has been transformed into an icon of the war in Ukraine.
Yet one of the phrases that Putin has developed throughout his career is pobedobesie, a disparaging term that sums up his compulsive passion for triumph as head of the Russian government. In recent years, the issue has deteriorated and taken on more horrific forms: schools have begun holding performances and parades in which youngsters dress up as Soviet soldiers, and Russian propaganda has found a safe haven in both national and international media outlets. (See Lavrov's interview with Rete 4 for more information.) Kremlin opponents have been denounced after being characterised as Nazis, neo-Nazis, or Nazi collaborators as the regime of Vladimir Putin has made its way into the ordinary lives of Russian residents.
Under Putin's leadership, repression and the use of the single voice authorised in Russia are manifestations of the country's authoritarian trajectory. "However, we are a different nation," the leader cautions. Russia is a country with a distinct personality. Love for our motherland, religion and traditional values, the traditions of our forefathers, respect for all people and cultures are things that will never be taken away from us. Ukrainians, who have been seeing their whole nation being decimated by Russian bombs for more than 70 days, certainly believe in something quite different.